Iran deal should be seen as broad policy shift
One of the predictable outcomes of any U.S. effort to reset relations with an adversary is that allies start whining about their vulnerability and demanding some sort of compensation for it. Thus, no sooner was the nuclear deal with Iran concluded than the Israelis, Saudis and other Middle East partners criticize it as representing abandonment and emboldening Iran to become a stronger meddler in neighbors’ affairs. All sorts of dire predictions about horrendous consequences are already on record, clearly intended to influence the Obama administration to give these folks something for their pain—like money, arms and especially new commitments.
When such demands are made, U.S. allies know full well that they can count on support from hawks in Congress and think tanks who have been issuing warnings for many months about the nuclear deal. These are people who feast on threats. Now they are in full throttle, talking as though engaging Iran amounts to something just short of treason. The Middle East will come tumbling down: Iran’s Shiia allies will make trouble in the Occupied Territories, Yemen, and elsewhere; Syria will go down the drain; new turmoil will mark Iraq and Afghanistan. And of course in the end, the predictions insist, Iran will develop nuclear weapons, compelling an Israeli response.
The burden will be on Obama to resist these pressures. He knew from the outset of negotiations with Iran that reaching an agreement that had the ayatollah’s blessing was only half the battle, that the other half was at home and with Iran’s enemies in the Middle East. One well informed analyst with the Brookings Institution in Washington argues that the Saudis and their friends will be especially insistent that the U.S. “demonstrate its readiness to push back against Iran’s expansionism around the region. And the primary arena in which the Arab states wish to see that from the United States is in Syria.” But as this analyst goes on to say, Syria “is the one [place] where the current U.S. president is least likely to undertake any more assertive action to counter Iran.” Let’s hope she’s right.
Critics of engaging Iran, and even supporters such as the analyst just quoted, make the common and dangerous error of putting their entire focus on Iran’s capacity for troublemaking. This, despite all the evidence that Israel and Saudi Arabia, among other U.S. partners, are also guilty of troublemaking—and that Israel has never been pushed to open to inspection, much less reduce, its nuclear arsenal. Nor have the Sunni Arab partners, all autocracies, been pressed by the U.S. to reform their political systems so as to be able to accommodate the many sources of inequity, which the Arab Spring evidently did not accomplish. Haven’t they ever heard of burden sharing? Failing to confront these realities leaves the US precisely where it is now: having to prove its “resolve” and its “leadership” by deepening its already steep, multi-front military involvement in the Middle East.
The administration should use the nuclear agreement as the opening wedge in a broader policy shift that seeks normalization of relations with Iran. Let Netanyahu and the Saudi princes rant; the U.S. aim should be peace, security, and social justice for the peoples of the region, not satisfaction of other states’ destructive ambitions.
— Mel Gurtov is professor emeritus at Portland State University